Saturday 16 June 2012

POLITICAL MYTHOLOGY OF THE CORPORATION

Politics of Narcissistic Mimesis
What is to be demonstrated in this is the manner in which a political animal can be immediately disgraced - when one has the chance to view the political actor, self protendor, revert back to his true state i.e., that of a raw animal of political ineducation (or, speaking of the false power of the ineducated, of corporate and academic groupies who have been brainwashed by the politics of vanity; there we have exemplified the queerness of contemporary political miseducation.)  This queerness in contemporary politics is localized and most concentrated within the subsistent irreality of social mimesis: that omnipresent and constant dialogic between mass political acumen and feudal rhetoric.  The grand stage of it's absolvency is the corporate, cosmopolitan, dandified, lobbyistic authoritativeness of the mass media.  This authoritativeness that excretes from the transparent bowels of socialized journalism and reporting figures into the equation of what defines political narcissism.  We can now safely say that the silent majorities are no longer silent. All of the diahrreal exaccerbations of public opinion and feudal rhetoric that encircles the mass media is absorbed by it for it's use as manipulation to uphold it's own principles by agravatation.

Political narcissism today is a sickness thriving in the possessive spirit of the cultruraphants (those who believe human culture to be sacred) as the omnipresence of social mimesis lurks over social networks. Prevailing the world system the procession of social networking gives rise to it's own mimesis i.e, the mimesis of society, of repressed frustrations, that gets along with itself all the same without subjective inclusion and hence all thinking subjects are reduced to de facto repeaters of exact mimesis. Disintegrating the individual, excluding him, incapable of referencing the subjectivity of the individual as a thinking, creative subject. Social mimesis replicates into an innocuous force insusceptible to understanding truth and reason. The one who stays out of politics and who is politically indifferent yields greater political power in today’s active social polisae. The political, as it relates to overcrowding of ideology, speaks it's failure to benefit man’s conditions, survival, and the idea of progress in the soliloquy of political responsibility. As Leo Strauss had taught, alluding to Plato's Republic, that philosophy has always advised and informed politics - and for the atonement of personal transgressions, the original political transgression, politicians for their part could forebear themselves the burden of political responsibility under the refuge of philosophy either their own or someone else’s. Karl Mannheim had stressed the importance of political education that of course precludes thorough knowledge of the history of politics and so obviously most essential to such an education is the social history of philosophy.

Prefatory Notes on the Psychomythic History of Corporate Logocentrism (Reflections on Corporate Mass Identity.)

The beastial icon of the corporate is not only sacrificially worshipped but identifies the corporation to it's consumers while being given primacy over the actual subjective content. Everywhere there is the elicitation of the object, of the logocentric interpretation of language: in the zealotry of the market, in the hypermania of advertisement, in the bombastic cultural relativism of the media etc. It also co-represents itself in it's logos i,e,. it's identity is conferred to that of a beastial image. Because the corporation has no individual function or single personality the body politic of a corporation must embody itself in something financially impersonal, commercially diffuse, and therefore detaches itself from more obvious emblems that would symbolize or suggest classical aristocracy, what the majority would still identify as being synonymous with capitalism. The kingdom of the new corporation is the entire world, it is transnational, it's king is not a ruler or philosopher but a conglomeration of forces of autonomous personalities. In this sense a corporation, unlike a government, is established upon the progressive mythos of it's past developments. A business firm over the course of a few generations changes shape however this is not perceived as a loss to corporate identity for the corporation has nothing and nobody to pass on any form of noble sentiment. If the history of Washington were reflected today in any sentimental medium, of a political anachronism ever rising, then this is to be attributed to the treasury given to it and thus it gives itself over to the mythology of those corporations and banks that fuel it with it's power, financial support and directive.

Corporate power is not concerned with it's own power for it is unconscious of the rules and laws. Although most corporations could not have been successful, as transparent ruling bodies, without having a subject of cathexis. In order to sustain it's power of transparency, the corporate world must vampirically extract the psychical power that emanates from the realpolitik of philosophers, intellectual advisors and artistic subjects. Although the psychoanalytic pathos of cathexis, the kind attributable to possessive identity crisis, is only the starting phase. Today's corporate cathexis has a transversive or unilateral affect in the psychological dynamics of corporate egalitarians, apertheidic philanthropists and or banking-politicians to their recipients. The transversivity of the corporate decision making apparatus, public relations etc., will accept neither an idolic humanity, a God of mandation, nor progressive or honest redemption.


Transparency is not a rule but a property of corporate power; such entities feel threatened and egoless when negotiating with bureaucracies, religious institutions and juridical defenders. Any operative sector, the public sector, of a corporation involves people i.e., it's employers, personnel, distributors and consumers. So-called "productive forces" inherently know very little if anything about the historic mythos of the company that employs them and are unconscious of it's (their) own agenda.
A corporate logo symbolizes power and prestige to sell to consumers who are without it; Ferrari, Porsche use emblematic symbols of beastial power - beasts and not men represent the dialectic alibi of corrupted business. Corporate history, in this sense, is a plentiful source of modern drama and myth. The mythos of sacrifice is the antithesis of it's own individualism which it lacks. Although it solicits that individualism as democratic progress to the masses who share in the corporate platform and ideology of progress towards more prosperous roles in a society that ultimately reaches beyond to their own deceit. The self-deception of the masses, in this respect - for instance, in all present day democracies - is highly advantageous to their enslavement by future corporate progress: making people small and 'governable' is hailed as progress. Under the banner of freedom Western social democracies limit the power of the bureaucracy and the state giving that lessened power to 'the public' including, of course, corporations that are not attached to the government. This then allows for the deregulation of corporate rule and corporate power, rule by deceit, that eventually dissolves all personal-public liberty yet frees the flow of corporate capital.

Transparent corporate power protractively dispossesses itself of all individualism and services only the profit-God that is it's own accumulative banking maxim. Branded individualism of the progressive variety is the feedstock fed to the masses that has been effective in disempowering them spiritually, nationally, and thus making it impossible to establish any sound basis of self-government. As a result it gives commercial companies greater control through the consumer brand of capitalism that collectively overshadows them with the mental attitudes of necrotic materialism i.e., the status quo, the 'elite' and the international free market system. The immediate, individual sense inherent to self-identity is compromised for the narcissistic sense of an animal ego as something collective that has been turned into something more archaic as it encompasses a world constructed of technological as apposed to traditional collective symbolism (logocentrism). Animals have always been forever confined to their internal narcissism. Freud however observed this animal narcissism in the mechanism of recalcitrant denial against self-reflective analysis. In this respect the beastial and the sadic are inseparable components in corporate psychomythology and following an analysis of the corporation comparing myth with punishment, present in the writings of de Sade, it becomes more obvious. Self-deceit and self-punishment replaces mythic sacrifice of the corporate body i.e., it's profit is not given away to any justifiable charity while self-punishment atones the transgressions of zealot greed. Corporate entities are, by proxy, sadic: The self proclaimed ‘filthy corporate animal’ would request “inflict punish upon me, defame me, degrade my person, extol maturation and growth upon me and my enterprise" in other words "empower me."

The mythical progeneration of this polarizing drama originates out of the hidden history of Wall St. vanity and promiscuity all of which is compelled to follow from the logocentrism of the Enlightenment. The logocentric worship of beasts as men and men as beasts (the self-maximizing political animal) serves not only as propaganda and a politically safe alibi for the disembodied establishment but it also relates to the mythico-sacrificial characteristics of corporate psychology. Sacrifice of a beast, of ones own family, fratricide, betrayalism, and the punishment of it's demigods is paralleled in the giving up of workers, clergy, business members or sacrificing the entire company to the conglomerate pervades as much of the world's myths as it does the activities of the modern corporation. A megacorporation will sacrifice everything to the profit-God even his own personal existential worth, his home, his family life, his workers, product resources and land.

Competing illegal enterprises after the great depression - the growing corporations and the mafia, dually sacrificed corporate life to the profit-God by killing off competition or members of the business hierarchy who steered away from the capitalist order of their fellow bankheads and goodfellas. In the underground myth of New York's Constantine the CEO is in debt to a financial sect of the mafia headed by Falcone. Constantine was spinning on his last; feigning, looking to turn out his cash raw while disregarding the dues he owed to creditors and shareholders who had ties to Falcone's mafia. One night Falcone's men entered his home interrupting his bathing ritual as he was receiving favours from his personal masseuse. In the epic scene Falcone's hit men empty their guns killing Constantine and leaving his mistress psychologically traumatized. The representative character of sacrificial murder, glorified by Hollywood filmmakers, cannot be separated from deification of the sacrificial victim, from the fraudulent priestly rationalization of murder through (mythical) apotheosis of the chosen victim i.e, corporate-animal logocentrism.

Today's corporate politics represent the teleology of the corporation itself, i.e., the corporeal (physical) means and ends of physicalistic materialism. It is a naive philosophy dispersed throughout institutions and embodies a social attitude of confident positivism, a positivism concerned with the good, positive, and confident interpretation of progressive social and technological change. We see the non-cultural moraless preoccupation with over-processed entertainment, with irregular and chaotic news media, the politics of contradiction, idle novelties and cheap thrills. All such idle mediums act as smokescreens to guard the political system and it's institutional establishments. Using such methods it is less painstaking to censor criticism without the need to push for new laws that would enforce it and this prevents the possibility of disturbing the calm from influencing the spread of any real criticism concerning democratic socialism or the mechanistic problem of society. (Enthralled by the coming age of a new consciousness being brought to the masses through the deceptive instruments of technology that ironically are the instruments that erased it’s consciousness.) For the damage done in the war in Iraq and Afghanistan the degrees of corruption is incomparable to the millionsfold damage incurred upon humanity from the culture of consumer technologies, the depersonalization of humanity that has come as a result of social networking. Today, the new corporate powers, the new demiurge of 21st century fallible politicism, has superstitiously manufactured the myth of the elder capitalist model that it vilifies as something we wish to change. It fails to recount it's obvious history to admit that change has already done it's justice to the injustices of the past. Channeling the anachronic historical issues of the diseducated masses, professional political rhetoriticians and argumentalists have herded the people together into a bloody tribe of solicitors who now promote all kinds of superstitions. Already we see the stigmas that precede the devolution of social order into a neo-Medieval condition. Having realized it's historic errors and prejudices the politicizers rearrange society and public attitude to these historic issues that triggers impotent oral revolts towards the long dethroned leadership of previous eras including all the benign power that once promoted solidarity. Political economy now moves along in a flawless immorality moralized by the culture of technological reason; a non-culture or techno-culture.

   

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